ࡱ> }~ Wbjbj>> .TTp %;:V,8$BT$&:"K!K!K!;$=$=$=$=$=$=$$&) a$K!)!"K!K!K!a$7v$7#7#7#K!$8;$7#K!;$7#7#7#ޣho"|7#'$$0$7#*"L*7#7#0*g#K!K!7#K!K!K!K!K!a$a$7#K!K!K!$K!K!K!K!*K!K!K!K!K!K!K!K!K! : [This is a draft version. The final version is available in  HYPERLINK "http://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-1-4020-6591-0" Philosophy and Design 2008, pp 105-118, via Springer at  HYPERLINK "http://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2F978-1-4020-6591-0_8.pdf" http://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007%2F978-1-4020-6591-0_8.pdf] Thinking about Design: Critical Theory of Technology and the Realization of Design Possibilities Andrew Feenberg and Patrick Feng Introduction In this chapter we offer a framework for thinking about the nature of design and the power of designers. Our approach draws on critical perspectives from social theory and science and technology studies. We shall argue that design is a process whereby technical elements and social constraints are brought together to produce concrete devices that fit specific contexts. How this happensand the possibility that it might happen differentlyis a crucial point for philosophers and other students of technology to consider. We begin by discussing design in terms of two kinds of bias: formal and substantive. We then present a critical theory of technology, which provides a non-deterministic, non-essentialist theory of technology. Next, we discuss the possibilities opened up by critical theory and explore how power and intentionality affect the actions of designers. We close with a discussion of obstacles that stand in the way of realizing a richer world of design possibilities. Design is typically conceived of as a purposeful activity, and so intentionality seems built into the very definition of the term. But is design really intentional? Or, put another way, to what extent do designers intentions shape the products they produce? A review of the literature reveals three general perspectives on the question of intentionality in design. First there are those who see designers as having a great deal of control over the design process. Then there are those who see designers as highly constrained, and therefore unable to translate their intentions into actual products. Finally there are those who see design as being caught up in broader cultural change; this last perspective throws into question the very notion of intentionality by making problematic distinctions between designers and society-at-large. Strong intentionality: Designers are powerful The idea of achieving something by design suggests that designers have great power. It suggestsin contrast to technological determinismthat people can be proactive in steering technology. And it rests on an assumption that intentionality plays a significant role in designthat by consciously deciding on a course of action, one can design better. Among those in this strong intentionality camp, Norman (1998) is perhaps the best exemplar. Despite his somewhat nave outlook on design, his work provides a good place with which to begin our discussion. Norman sees a strong link between better designers and better design. For example, he places much of the blame for bad design on the fact that much design work is not done by professional designers, it is done by engineers, programmers, and managers (156). Similarly, he places much of the responsibility for good design on professional designers: If an error is possible, someone will make it. The designer must assume that all possible errors will occur and design so as to minimize the chance of the error in the first place, or its effects once it gets made (36). In this view, designers are powerfulit is, after all, their knowledge and their values that determine what technologies we have. If we want to design better, our first inclination should therefore be to look to them. Normans approach assumes a sharp division between designers and users. He believes that enlightened designers can solve many of the problems of design. Thus, while Norman acknowledges manufacturers, store owners, consumers, and others may have competing demands, he still believes that [n]onetheless, the designer may be able to satisfy everyone (28). He thus sidesteps issues of conflict and power. Also, while Norman sometimes calls for participation from non-designersDesign teams really need vocal advocates for the people who will ultimately use the interface (156)he does so in a way that makes clear it is the designers who are in charge. Users, when they are mentioned at all, are presumed to be almost passive recipients of technology. The upshot of all this is that Norman (and authors like him) assume designers have the power to change technology for the better. Implicitly, then, he assumes that intentionality does exist and is expressed through design. His prescription for improving design is to have better, more enlightened designers. While this viewpoint has some merits (e.g., its challenging of technology as inevitable), it also has several shortcomings. These include a lack of attention to different user groups, to the constraints designers face on the ground, and to the cultural conditions presupposed by their work. Moreover, it suggests that a sharp distinction can be drawn between intended and unintended consequences, which is a problematic claim. The strong intentionality approach shows a certain affinity for an instrumentalist philosophy of technology in which technology is viewed as the neutral means to human ends. This view has been challenged in science and technology studies by new approaches in recent years. Weak intentionality: Designers are constrained While some authors see designers as being powerful, others suggest the opposite, i.e., designers are in fact constrained by a variety of factors: economic, political, institutional, and social. Within such constraints, designers are thought to have more or less autonomy, depending on whom you ask. I shall discuss three examples in this section. Noble (1977) provides an example of a classic neo-Marxist analysis of labor relations and corporate growth. Arguing that the rise or corporate capitalism in America went hand-in-hand with the wedding of science and engineering to industry, Noble argues that workers in these corporations increasingly lost their autonomy as management became more and more of a science. New fields of study such as industrial relations were meant to be the means by which farsighted industrial leaders strove to adjustor to give the appearance of adjustingindustrial reality to the needs of workers, to defuse hostile criticism and isolate irreconcilable radicals by making the workers side of capitalism more livable (290). While not specifically about design, Nobles book suggests that workers of all sorts generally have little ability to follow their intentions (if these are different from the interests of the corporation). Of course, there is still room for choices in design (e.g., what color to paint the car), but the possibility of truly radical design rarely exists, at least according to this line of analysis. Others are less totalizing in their analysis. Kunda (1993), for example, argues there is room for maneuvering and resistance, even as corporate control over workers becomes subtler and more insidious. He shows that constraints imposed on workers need not be directthe demands of management hang heavy in the air of todays hi-tech companies, even if never directly articulated by managers. Self-management is the catch phrase in todays knowledge economy. Kunda, quoting from a company career development booklet, points out how responsibility for managing performance is shifted from management to workers: In our complex and ever changing HT environment there is often the temptation to abdicate responsibility and place the blame for your lack of job clarity or results on the organization or on management. But if you really value your energies and talents, you will make it your responsibility to self to that you utilize them well. (p. 57) In such an environment, designers who start out thinking they have complete autonomy may in fact find themselves constrained by an intricate web of norms and expectations produced by corporate culture. Finally, Bucciarelli (1994) provides an optimistic view of constrained design. While he pays attention to constraints, these mainly stem from having to negotiate with co-workers about how to proceed with a projects design. His analysis, while not exactly ignoring questions of political-economy (Noble) or organizational control (Kunda), generally skirts these concerns, focusing instead on how design teams come to agree on a good design. Bucciarelli continually talks about negotiation between designers, suggesting that interests and intentions are central to his conception of design; if there are constraints on the designers in his story, these arise from having to work with other members of a design team in order to get a job donea much more controllable constraint than, for example, external market pressures. In general, Bucciarellis analysis assumes that designers are powerful enough to be in control of their work. The weak intentionality approach is congruent with recent advances in science and technology studies. The view of designers as more or less influential actors engaged in conflict and negotiation with other actors follows directly from the approach taken by influential trends in this field. Certain basic methodological assumptions such as technical underdetermination, interpretive flexibility, and the strategic analysis of actors work in enlisting others in their networks are useful in explaining the weak intentionality thesis. Questioning intentionality: Designers and society-at-large Finally, some authors relate design to broader socio-cultural changes, thus complicating the whole notion of intentionality. A good example of this approach is Edwards (1996) history of computer development during the Cold War. In his book The Closed World, Edwards argues that the material and symbolic importance of computers is intimately connected to Cold War politics; indeed, Cold War politics became embedded in the machines computer scientists built during the past half century. Stating American weapons and American culture cannot be understood in isolation from each other (7), Edwards proceeds to show how academic, military, industrial, and popular cultures intermeshed in the closed world atmosphere of Cold War ideology. Edwards defines a closed world as a radically bounded scene of conflict, an inescapably self-referential space where every thought, word, and action is ultimately directed back toward a central struggle (12). In such a world, it is questionable whether anyone truly has agencyhow, for instance, could a designer escape from the values and assumptions of Cold War ideology and propose an alternative design? The closed-world discourse of the Cold War framed everything in terms of containment: the aim was to contain Communism by protecting (and enlarging) the boundaries of the so-called free world. Within this discursive space, notions about what kinds of technologies would be necessary or desirable took on highly functionalist characteristics. Thus, increasing military precision required a theory of human psychology commensurable with the theory of machines (20); automation (getting the man out of the loop) and integration (making those who remained more efficient) were the answers provided by psychologists and other academics. Did these scholars intend to contribute to the beginnings of cybernetic theory, or were they merely caught up in a larger cultural shift? If Edwards calls into question intentionality by connecting computers to Cold War politics, Abbate (1998) does so by surveying the early history of the Internet. She argues that the invention of this technology was not an isolated, one-time event: the meaning of the Internet had to be invented--and constantly reinvented--at the same time as the technology itself (6). Her take on the invention of the Internet suggests there was no master plan to this technologys development, thus contradicting the idea intentionality and power go hand in hand. This third approach is under-represented in contemporary studies of design. It conforms neither to the instrumentalist assumptions of the strong intentionality thesis nor the weak intentionality thesis that is compatible with the methods of science and technology studies. Instead, a sociology of culture is presupposed which must then be combined with a philosophy of technology open to cultural considerations. We will explain this approach in the concluding sections of this chapter. Designers: Strong or weak? With these three perspectives in mind, let us come back to the role of designers in shaping technology. There are two perspectives to consider. If designers are strong then we would expect their views to be the key factor in determining the form of technologies. On the other hand, if designers are weak then their role would be to merely carry out the views of others, i.e., devices would reflect the values of more influential actors or society-at-large, not those of the design team. Clearly, there are elements of truth to both viewpoints. Certainly, designers do have substantial influence on the design processthey are, after all, the ones closest to the action! Nevertheless, to focus too much on those closest to the design process is to miss the larger political-economic and cultural structure within which such activities take place; it is to reduce designing to an all-too-rational process, when in fact the beliefs and values invoked by design participants are seldom purely rational. Design is not a hyper-rational process. It invariably exhibits bias. This bias is part and parcel of designing: optimizing for a given situation means issues such as cost, compatibility, reputation, etc. are important. These, in turn, assume certain facts about the social world, i.e., they naturalize past value judgments that are not, in any sense, natural. The making of these past judgments is forgotten. It is this taken-for-grantedness that critical theory draws attention to. What appears natural to the designer is a function of many things, such as her training, her own personal values, the values and culture of her organization, the interests of dominant players (expressed in technical terms), broad societal values, etc. Rather than talk about designers as engaged in battles over the form of a device (a SCOT or ANT approach) we should talk instead of the way in which things appear natural to the designer. This shifts our attention away from proximate designers to the background assumptions (i.e., formal bias) that are at work in broader culture. Critical theory compared with SCOT and ANT A number of scholars in the field of science and technology studies (STS) have looked at the issue of design. Among the many approaches employed, two are prominent: social construction of technology (SCOT) and actor-network theory (ANT). Briefly, SCOT theorists argue that technologies are socially constructed, i.e., they are contested and contingent, the outcome of battles between various social groups, each with their own vested interests. In order to understand design one should trace the history of a specific technologys development and look for the influence of relevant social groups. Similarly, ANT theorists argue that technologies are contingent, but their focus is on the strategies employed by key actors in order to bring about a stable network of people and devices in which a new technology will succeed. Critical theory of technology differs from these approaches in that we are interested in how the design of technology is embedded within broader sets values and practices. We take the fact that technologies are socially constructed to be self-evident. Whereas SCOT is focused on uncovering which social groups were most influential in shaping the design of a particular technology, and ANT is focused on the strategies employed by various actors in the design of a particular technology, we are interested in the broader cultural values and technological practices that surround a particular technology. Put another way, our focus is less on specific social groups or the strategies they employ, and more on what cultural resources (i.e., values and practices) were brought into play in the design of a specific technology. To give an example of our approach, consider a simple technology: the bicycle. Anyone who has spent time in Holland knows that the bicycle is an important mode of transportation in Dutch citiesfar more so than in most North American cities. Bike lanes are prominent features in Dutch cities and bicyclists co-exist peacefully with motorists. This is in contrast to North American cities, where cyclists must fight with motorists for use of the road. In important ways, then, everyday riding of a bicycle is a technological practice that is supported by another technology, the Dutch road, which extensively incorporates bike lanes. What is of interest to us here is the dominant meanings attached to a particular device, in this case a roadway: in Holland, it is accepted that bikes and bicyclists are legitimate users of the road (indeed, cyclists often have the right-of-way); in North America, these same devices and people are oddities, either grudgingly accepted or met with hostility by the roads primary users, motorists. No one doubts that cars dominate the roadways of North American cities. In North America, the word road brings to mind cars; in Holland, the same word brings to mind both cars and bicycles. Our claim is that the naturalness of the interpretation of a particular device within a given social context is important. The fact that a person living in Amsterdam is inclined to think of cyclists as natural users of roadwayswhile a person living in Atlanta does notmatters. It matters because this taken-for-granted understanding (what we mean by the word culture) becomes a background condition to the design of technology. Neither SCOT nor ANT pay much attention to these background conditions, choosing to focus instead on the actions of specific actors or groups of actors. Yet, in order to understand the ways in which technological design may be biased, it is important to look at this broader context. Instrumentalization Theory Feenberg has presented an approach which he calls instrumentalization theory. It is a critical version of constructivism that understands technology as designed to conform not just to the interests or plans of actors but also the cultural background of the society. That background provides some of the decision rules under which technically underdetermined design choices are resolved in a biased manner. The study of technology must therefore operate at two levels, the level of the basic technical operations and the level of the power relations or socio-cultural conditions that specify definite designs. Feenberg calls these two levels the primary and the secondary instrumentalization. An example will help to make the distinction clear. Consider the design of a simple everyday object such as the refrigerator. To make a refrigerator, engineers work with basic components such as electric circuits and motors, insulation, gases of a special type, and so on combined in complex ways to generate and store cold. Each of these technologies can be broken down into even simpler decontextualized and simplified elements drawn from nature. There appears to be very little of a social character about these simplest elements although of course a detailed history of each would reveal some sort of minimal social contingency controlling the implementation of the technical ideas they embody. This the level at which the primary instrumentalization is preponderant, taking the form of sheer technical insight. But just because these technical issues have been so thoroughly simplified and extracted from all contexts, knowledge of the components is still insufficient to completely determine design. There remains the all important question of size which is settled not on scientific-technical but on purely social principles in terms of the likely needs of a standard family. Even the consideration of family size is not fully determining. In countries where shopping is done daily on foot refrigerators tend to be smaller than in those where shopping is done weekly by automobile. Thus on essential matters, the technical design of this artifact depends on the social design of society. The refrigerator seamlessly combines these two entirely different registers of phenomena. Why has it proven so difficult to articulate the critical approach to specific aspects of modern societies such as the market and technology as a critique of rationality? I think this is because our intuitive sense of bias is shaped by the Enlightenment struggle against a traditional social order based on relations of domination and subordination. The critique of that older social order proceeded by identifying what I will call substantive bias, bias in social and psychological attitude, which designates some members of society as inferior for all sorts of factitious substantive reasons such as lack of intelligence, self-discipline, blood or breeding, accent and dress, and so on. The Enlightenment questioned this sort of bias as it applied to lower class males. The false factual claims of the dominant ideology were demystified and equality asserted on that basis. This approach set a pattern that was soon adopted in the critique of discrimination against women, slaves, the colonized, homosexuals, and potentially any other subordinated group. Feenberg has introduced the concept of formal bias to describe prejudicial social arrangements of this type. Formal bias prevails wherever rationalized systems or institutions are structured in such a way as to favor a dominant social group. The concept of institutional discrimination, such practices as red-lining in the mortgage and insurance business, testify to the need for such a concept in race and gender politics. Rational classifications and rules based on racial or gender differences can be implemented in all innocence by individuals who themselves are unprejudiced with highly prejudicial results. Critical theory of technology analyzes formal bias in technological design which, combines rational principles with social determinants. Critical theory of technology We would like now to turn to a more detailed exposition of the instrumentalization theory. The starting point is the notion of technical element. By this is meant the most elementary technical ideas and corresponding simple implementations that go into building devices and performing technical operations. Anthropologists conjecture that the ability to think of objects as means, the upright stance and opposable thumb together form a constellation that predisposes human beings to engage technically with the environment. In this humans achieve an exorbitant development of potentials exhibited in small ways by other higher mammals. The starting point of this basic technical orientation is imaginative and perceptual: humans can see and formulate technical possibilities where other animals cannot. These most basic technical insights consist in the identification of technical elements, affordances or useful properties of things in nature. What is involved in perceiving a technical element? Two things are necessary: first, the world must be understood in terms of the possibilities it offers to goal oriented action, and second the subject of that action must conceive itself as such, that is, as a detached manipulator of things. The technical disposition of such a subject and the manner in which it conceives its objects constitutes the primary instrumentalization. Technical elements are at first notional but achieve realization in transformations of natural objects. In the process social constraints of a more complex nature than simple goals shape the elements. This is the secondary instrumentalization in which the elements are given socially acceptable form and combined to make a technical device. The relationship between technical elements and devices is depicted in figure 1 below. Figure 1: Relationship between technical elements and concrete devices Technical elementsDevices SHAPE \* MERGEFORMAT Relatively neutralStrongly biasedRelatively free of constraintsHighly constrainedWeak 2 instrumentalizationStrong 2 instrumentalization Critical theory starts by providing a locus for design, namely the secondary instrumentalization in which relatively neutral technical elements are arranged into a strongly biased concrete device. We say that the concrete device is strongly biased in the sense that the device has been made to fit a particular social context, and hence is no longer decontextualized (as technical elements are). Note that we are not claiming that technical elements somehow exist prior to or outside of societythe idea of a lever, for instance, was invented by humans, not God. We claim only that these elements are relatively neutral compared to concrete devices that are obviously more complex in terms of their values and constraints. Design is the process of resolving the many technically underdetermined aspects of systems and devices in the course of implementing the technical elements they contain. Technique is always embodied in designs that have particular characteristics that depend on the natural and social environment. The secondary instrumentalization is the elaboration of these particular implementations. It is not an exogenous dimension of the technical but is internal to technical development. Every technical element, once it passes from the state of a vague notion to become a useful device, system, or practice, takes on a form determined in part by the surrounding conditions. These conditions may include available resources and ethical and aesthetic requirements of the cultural order in which the technical element is destined to operate. What is true of the individual elements is even more true of the complex devices built up out of combinations of many elements. At every stage in the elaboration of the device, from the original creation of its elements to its final finished form, more and more technically underdetermined design decisions are made on the basis of these conditions. The device that eventually results is through and through determined by the world in which it was built. In this sense we can say it is socially constructed. One further aspect of the relation of primary to secondary instrumentalization requires emphasis. The two aspects of technique stand in complex relations. No implementation of a technical element is possible without some minimum secondary instrumentalization contextualizing it. But very little is required at first, perhaps no more than a socially sanctioned goal of a very general sort. Thus one sees a functional possibilityX could be used for Ywithout a very clear idea of how or what other technical ideas would have to be combined with this new one to get a working device. Once the technical actor begins to combine these elements, more and more constraints weigh on design decisions. Some of these constraints have to do with compatibility between the various components of the new device and between the new device and other features of the technical environment. Some have to do with natural hazards or requirements that will affect the device. Others have to do with ethical-legal or aesthetic dimensions of the surrounding social world. The role of the secondary instrumentalization grows constantly as we follow an invention from its earliest beginnings through the successive stages in which it is developed and concretized in a device that circulates socially. Indeed, even after the release of a new device on the public, it is still subject to further secondary instrumentalizations through user initiative and regulation. The iterative character of secondary instrumentalizations explains why we have a tendency to view technology in abstraction from society. It is true that technical elements are not much affected by social constraints, but we must not interpret fully developed technologies in terms of the stripped down primary instrumentalization of the initial technical elements from which they are made. The secondary instrumentalization exhibits significant regularities over long periods in whole societies. Standard ways of understanding individual devices and classes of devices emerge. Many of these standards reflect specific social demands that have succeeded in shaping design. These social standards form what I call the technical code of the devices in question. The example of the refrigerator illustrates this notion. The technical code of the refrigerator determines such features as size in function of the social principles governing the family. In some cases the technical code has a clearly political function as for example in the parcelization and mechanization of labor in the industrial revolution. Labor process theory shows that the technical code prevailing in these transformations of work responded to problems of capitalist control of the labor force. Technical codes are sometimes explicitly formulated as design requirements or policies. But often they are implicit in culture and training and need to be extracted from their context by sociological analysis. In either case, the researcher must formulate the technical code in an ideal typical manner as a norm governing design. The formulation of the norm as such helps to identify the process of translation between the technical discourse and practice of experts and social, cultural, or political facts articulated in other discourses. This process of translation is the reality of the technical code in contrast with the ideal-typical formulation. It is ongoing and fraught with difficulty but nevertheless largely effective. When it became clear that the standard refrigerant gas containing chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) was destroying the ozone layer, environmentalists articulated public concern with skin cancer and enabled this concern to be translated into government regulations which were in turn translated into technical procedures implemented by engineers. The resulting designs were responsive to the new technical code that emerged from this process. In terms of the categories of technology studies, technical codes may be conceived as the rule under which black boxing occurs. At the end of the development process of a technology, when it finally assumes its standard configuration, we know what it is, it acquires an essence. This essence is of course revisable but only with difficulty as compared to the original very fluid situation of the first innovative attempts to make the device. The technical code prescribes some important aspects of the standard configuration, specifically, those which translate between social demands and technical requirements. Now, certain aspects of the refrigerator will vary depending on users needs, while others will remain invariant. Those aspects that do not change include many that are invisible to the user (e.g., type of coolant used, the fact that the size of the device is standardized to fit certain dimensions, and so on). Those elements that have been standardized are not easily changed, regardless of user context. What remains is a set of design possibilitiesways in which technical elements can be combined together to create a workable device. We shall call this set of technically feasible possibilities the design space. It is from this set of design options that a best design will ultimately be selected. As we have argued earlier, the choice of best design is never a purely technical matter: devices are always technically underdetermined, and it is only through the application of a technical code (i.e., specific configurations of the secondary instrumentalization) that the actual form of a device is resolved. This is illustrated in figure 2.  Figure 2: Schematic showing relationship between technical elements, design space, and a concrete device or technology. In Critical Theory of Technology, a technical code (TC) is what enables the selection of a best design from a multitude of design possibilities. Exactly how this code is selected and applied is an empirical question, which will naturally vary depending on the case being studied. The researchers task is to draw out the TC from a particular context through sociological analysis. Conclusion: Towards the realization of design possibilities In this chapter we have outlined a critical theory of technology and discussed some of its implications for understanding design. Critical theory of technology distinguishes between formal and substantive bias, with formal bias being an outcome of the very rationality that is part and parcel of designing. Under this rationality, technical elements, which in principle could be combined in any number of ways to form a device, are brought together under the constraints of a technical code to produce a concrete device that fits into a specific social context. This means that of the many technically feasible options available in the design space, only a small percentage are ever deemed socially feasible. We have argued that this resolution of otherwise underdetermined devices should be the focal point of a philosophy of design. And we have argued that, rather than understanding this process (solely) in terms of the interests or strategies of specific actors ( la SCOT and ANT), we should look at the values and practices that are taken-for-granted in broader culture. In this chapter we have also raised questions about the role of intention and power within the design process. Specifically, we have suggested that the path from designers intentions to design product is not a straightforward one, and that this reflects the relative power and degree of autonomy that designers have in the design process. Though on the surface designers may seem like powerful actors, they are caught in the same web of constraints that other actors face. Designers do not work in a vacuum. And all too often design demands, implicitly or explicitly, that new devices fit with established ways of being. In other words, designers perceive a need to accommodate themselves to existing social worlds, which implies accommodating their work to existing power relations, hierarchies, etc. An obstacle, therefore, to the realization of alternative designs is the stifling effect of such passive coercion on the part of existing social structures on designers. We end our discussion here; this is as far as a philosophy of technology can take us. If we wish to go further and now change the conditions (social, economic, political, cultural) that impinge upon the design process, we must move from analysis to action. Or, to come back to the words of Marx, The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point, however, is to change it.  I am using design to mean a process of consciously shaping an artifact so as to better achieve a specific goal (e.g., efficiency). A slightly broader definition comes from Wieckert (1995), who defines design as a problem-solving activity with the goal of defining a problem and constructing its solution (130).  By designers we mean what Woodhouse and Patton (2004) have termed proximal designersthose professionals closest to the design process, e.g., engineers, architects, draftsmen, graphical artists, etc.  Even though Norman never cites Bijker et al. (1987), his argument can be seen as an outgrowth of the social construction of technology (SCOT) program described therein. After all, proponents of SCOT have spent much of their time debunking technological determinism, with the aim of reintroducing agency and intentionality into studies of technology. Similarly, Norman assumes that technologies could have been otherwise (Bijker and Law, 1992), and locates the potential for change within professional designers.  Compare this with the participatory design literature (see Clement and van den Besselaar, 1993), which views users and designers as (near) equals.  Winner questions the whole notion of unintended consequences, contending that in many cases it is not helpful to fixate on whether someone intended to do another person harm: Rather one must say that the technological deck has been stacked in advance to favor certain social interests and that some people were bound to receive a better hand than others (26). For this reason, I find Scloves (1995) term of non-focal effects to be much better, for it draws attention to the fact that the effects of technology depends, first of all, on what we are willing to focus on (or ignore).  Compare this with Chandlers (1977) explanation of why managerial capitalism arose in America during the 19th century. While Noble explains the rise of management as an intentional move by corporations to gain greater control over labor, Chandler presents it as a necessary and inevitable step in the evolution of American businesses, a step precipitated by the arrival of new revolutionary technologies. Thus, while Noble seeks to point out the power relations underlying changes within corporate America, Chandler seeks to obscure them by appealing to the necessity of technological progress.  Downeys (1998) ethnography of engineering students nicely illustrates this tension between designers as powerful and designers as constrained. He notes how students in a CAD/CAM class were presented with conflicting stories: on the one hand, they were told Machines are slavestheyre dumb, theyre stupid (135). Yet, just a few days later (after considerable frustration with a lab project), they were told You are also a slave to the computer (137). Caught between these contradictory statements, these students began to question how much control they really had over the machine.  For an introduction to STS approaches to design, see Woodhouse and Patton (2004).  In their original formulation of SCOT, Pinch and Bijker (1987) posited an examination of the broader context as the fourth and final step in the analysis. However, few SCOT theorists have followed through with this step. We would also suggest, as others have done, that it makes a difference whether one begins ones analysis with the broader context or ends with it as an afterthought.     PAGE  PAGE 2 Technical code allows for realization of concrete device <=   Y Z _ UV >? ((+I,b,,--/"/79=:]:;;< ==>AA BBϾϾϾϺϺϺϺϺϾ϶϶϶϶϶ϾhMU hUV hA6]jhA0JUhA hB[6]hB[h4h}a0J' h}ah}a h}a0J'jh}aUh}aD\ ^ _ %S,#%S'!1$gdA $$1$gdA 1$gdA 1$gdB[ $$1$gdB[%$1$@& a$gdB[gd}aS'(+-.15799=? 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